2 February 1796
Letter 6. Eliza Gould at Bampton, Devon, to Benjamin Flower at Bridge Street, Cambridge, Tuesday, 2 February 1796.[1]
Bampton Febry 2, 1796
Dear Sir
So long a period has elaps’d since I rec’d your last kind favor, & so many incidents have occur’d to me in the interim, of a nature so adverse & peculiar, that I am really at a loss how, or where to begin—tho I have not your Letter immediately to recur to,[2] yet I cannot forget, the friendly office you intended me, provided I had settled in Dublin (as was then my intention)—& tho late my acknowledgments, I hope you will not deem them unacceptable—they are grateful & sincere—Of the kindness you intended me I shall ever have a feeling Sense—I have had the highest satisfaction in reflecting on it, because it convinced me of your Friendship & this I shall always esteem.
Had we gone to Ireland, the introduction you mention’d, would I doubt not, have been of essential service to me, & I should have taken the liberty of availing myself of it; but the very unfavorable aspect of public affairs in Ireland, at the crisis when we held ourselves in readiness to depart, & the uncertainty which appear’d in regard to its termination, caused us to relinguish our plan—& my next step was, (having no other alternative) to endeavour to procure sufficient signatures to my fathers certificate to secure to him his Liberty—to accomplish this desirable end, I rode on Horseback in the course of a fortnight, between 2 & 3 hundred miles—the bodily fatigue & mental anxiety, I experienced in this undertaking, much impair’d my constitution, & it was not till lately, that I knew the blessing of returning Health. I was for some time thought to be in a decline, but my cough has now entirely left me, & I think I was never better. The moral government of God is my support—my light in darkness—my guide in intricacies, in my greatest difficulties I trust I can mark its footsteps, & now & then the Way is brighten’d with a cheering promise with a “fear not I am with thee—be not dismay’d I am thy God[”]—I endeavour to hope that in much mercy I was persecuted from Southmolton—the end thitherto answer’d is that thereby I was roused to the attempt of settling my fathers affairs—for viewing my family again unsettled I had no other alternative but this, or leaving the kingdom. I have not altogether gain’d my point, one obstinate creditor yet remains, & only one—from him I expect to hear in a few days—however I hope I shall wait patiently Gods own time, & this satisfaction I have, that (let the event be what it may) I cannot recollect, that I have omitted anything, in order to attain the desirable end of again settling my parents together, & may God in the methods of his providence make me the Honor’d instrument in his hand to this effect, as he has already I trust, influenced my mind to undertake it.
The small degree of persecution I have had the honor to experience, is doubly made up to me, & respecting the affair I am now perfectly at ease—confident that I acted from principles nor would I relinquish the satisfaction I feel, even for any advantage I might have derived, by yielding to the arbitrary injunctions of those Enemies of Truth, & as you justly observed in your last of God & the Human race.[3]
We may yet however I trust denominate this an enlightening age, in spite of the crushing influences of lawless power—yet truly the present crisis to a thinking & feeling mind, must appear serious & awful virtue is not a passport to respect, nor is industry the road to prosperity. Honesty is as it were laugh’d out of Society whilst wealth covers every vice, & absorbs every tribute, which merit only, ought to receive. Such are the prejudices, & vicious habits of a disorganiz’d state of society—which Ignorance has engender’d from Tyranny, & pride & luxury, wish by corruption to perpetuate. The cruel havoc of human Butchery has been wantonly persever’d in, & Man is made the foe of his brethren, by the artifice of designing villains, who exist under a false assumption of virtuous titles, to dazzle, & prey on the industry of the aggregate Mass of Mankind—notwithstanding our Wolsey’s[4] of the present day, would shackle the liberties of the press I trust it is yet the design’d engine, to restore a lost race of rational beings to the full enjoyment of the blessings design’d for them, by God & Nature (—“For Liberty is the right & happiness of all—for all by nature are equal & free & no one can without the greatest injustice become the slave of his Like”—)[5] may you & I live to see the day, when all Mankind, of every colour, & country, may embrace each other as brethren; as children of the same Father as Heirs of the same glory. Such a day may be rationally anticipat’d & I trust not vainly—but to wave this subject—I have lately rec’d a Letter from Mr Dunn of Southmolton,[6] intimating that the paper has not come to hand as usual—I gave it up entirely to him last midsummer. I have repeatedly desired Mr Salter of Tiverton to give me the account, as I do not perfectly recollect the time when the two papers were first sent to Southmolton—he said he had many times wrote for it, but that it had not come to hand, & that when he received it, he would transmit it to me. I will if you please account to you, for the papers to midsummer last, or if it be more agreeable, I will settle with Salter (for the paper was sent in my name) down to Christmas, if you will favor me with a letter (by which I shall feel myself oblig’d) & therein enclose the account, I will remit to Salter immediately. The paper which was sent to Southmolton—Tout[7] has paid me for a quarter of [a] year—from Christmas to Lady day—both papers came to me; as Woolcot[8] had given it up; at Lady day Mr Tout took it; & gave it up at midsummer, but at what time the papers were first sent I have quite forgotten, I wish you would please to forward on a paper to Mr Dunn otherwise I will be a disappointment to him. I have rec’d a letter or two from him on the subject, he will pay Mr Salter in any manner or time you may appoint, & you will always find him regular. I wish this might arrive in time, so that he might receive one next Monday—please to address Mr Samuel Dunn East Street Southmolton.
I saw Mr & Mrs Dennys about 2 months since. She behaves to me wonderfully civil, I dined there once, & pass’d 2 or three evenings. About 4 months since she took a kind of whimsical trip to London, (tho now I recollect, I think it must be somewhat more than that). She went out early in the morning to accompany Mr D and Mr Heathfield to Collumpton,[9] on their Journey to London—her going on was then started, to which she acceeded—tho by no means equip’d for the jaunt—her clothes being ready packed for a journey to Salisbury, in order to accompany Mrs John Lardner who was then in the country on her return home, which I believe she intended the next day—however this new plan got the better of her former one, & she sent to Tiverton orders to have the Salisbury boxes diverted for London—this she told me—but this subsequent story was in currency when I came to Tiverton, that she actually went to London on a Match making pursuit—& that she meant to serve Mr Hogg in it—Mr Down’s family[10] had been for some time in Tiverton when a tender intimacy commenc’d between Mr Hogg,[11] & one of the Miss Downs, tho far from its having Mr Downs concurrence—in fact he positively insisted on his daughters refusal which by the bye I believe was reluctantly given. Hogg by some means or other so far concilliated the esteem of the old Lady, as to make her a party in his favor—& in consequence Mr Down left Tiverton suddenly—tho’ I was told that they contrived to put the old gentleman before them, & that Hogg actually escorted the Lady in the same chaise to Collumpton. How it stands now I know not, but I hear Mr Hogg has lately been to London. Mrs Dennys family are just return’d from Bath—from whence Mr Dennys carried his eldest son to London, where he is plac’d in some Academy[12]—calculated to fit him for Trade. Belfield is at Ottery,[13] I was there some little time since, & call’d to see them, they are fine boys especially Belfield—we talk’d a great deal about Mr Flower—they certainly lov’d you—they both desired that I would remember to say something about them when [I] wrote (as I told them I intended it).
Miss Dennys is I hear taken home for a twelvemonth, at the expiration of which, she is to be sent for a year to London. She will now I suppose join her Mothers parties. Ashley is made a very fine place of, tho it has been attended with great expence, once or twice it has tumbled down, owing I hear to the dampness of the situation, & once it has been pull’d down to be rebuilt on a new plan, suggested by Mr Stowey[14]—they have likewise made a new road to it from The Milestone—Old Mrs Betty still there, & the younger child [illegible]—My Aunt[15] is quite recover’d & they are got into a new House near opposite Mrs Dennys, the spot where Miss Carthew[16] once liv’d. Tiverton is really a pretty town since the late improvements made in paving & tho it is a heavy Tax on the inhabitants—all the old Houses at the upper end of Peter Street are pulled down—from one church gate to the other & the churchyard is to have a very handsome railing.
I think in my last I promised to give a copy of my letter to Lord Fortescue, but he never answer’d to it—the following is the copy, tho I write it from memory.
My Lord,
Presuming on the general character of your Lordship, as a Statesman, a Magistrate, & a Gentleman—I address you with a sincere hope that you will treat the subsequent case, with candour, & impartiality. Liberties, will be consider’d, as more or less pardonable, according to the motives from whence they originate—that which I have now taken, proceeds from a desire (reasonable I hope in its nature) of Self vindication, & to detect false & scandalous aspersions on my character—venturing on this ground to write your Lordship, I hope to stand acquitted in your opinion, of presumption—unreasonable temerity, or any breach of politeness in viewing your L-d-p in another light, as a man of Philanthropy, Justice, & Humanity, I plead my cause also as a sufferer.
Tho personally a stranger to you, & placed in a humbler situation in life, I nevertheless claim the right of self defence—a claim, sanctioned by reason & justice. To trace effects to their primitive causes, that I might be thereby enabled to exculpate myself, both to the world, & my own particular connections, & to convince your L-d-p of certain misrepresentations which you even now must of course labour under, is all I wish—other redress I seek not. Conscious of my Innocence, I stand on the rational ground of Self-defence, being under the necessity of vindicating my conduct to my friends, (in whose good opinion I have long stood high) I must request your L-d-p, to do me the Justice of putting in my power, to confront my adversaries. I must necessarily stand impeach’d in your opinion, of some misdemeanour of a public nature, something in my conduct inimical to the general good, or your L-d-p would not (as I have been inform’d) have taken an active part in wishing Serjt Thorne to remove his children from Day School!! Why your Lordship has felt yourself thus inclin’d, to proceed & act against me, is a mystery I am unable to develope, tho it is not a matter of Indifference to myself & friends & family that it still remains so.
It would intrude too much on your time & patience, to state minutely, the variety of contingent circumstances relative to my family, which were unavoidably attach’d to, & inseparably connected with, my success in the line of Life in which providence had placed me. I settled in Southmolton about a twelvemonth hence, where I open’d a Boarding & Day school, with every apparent prospect of future success—my sole motive for adopting this plan, was to render by my endeavours the few remaining days of my Mothers life in some degree comfortable to her, & to assist essentially the minor Branches of a Family, who in consequence of my Fathers misfortunes in life, depended greatly on my exertions for support. Thus the pleasing ends I had in view, that of being instrumental in contributing to the present happiness, & future welfare, of those related to me in the bonds of nature & friendship, are unhappily defeated, & my youngest Sister deprived the participation of those advantages in regard to her education, that I otherwise might have had in my power to have given her. Hence your Lordship will be convinced that I suffer both individually and collectively.
Feeling as I do the weight of popular influence, (tho unduly enforced against me) I am necessarily oblig’d to give up the School, & have in consequence determined on leaving Southmolton—which however I cannot do with any satisfaction to myself, untill I have traced the source, from whence has originated, the principle cause, of which (from your L-d-p’s interference as above cited) I must naturally conclude you are not ignorant—tho judging from your well know[n] Philanthropy—Clemency, & Justice, I am the more inclin’d to think, that I have suffer’d in your opinion thro misinformation. I intreat your Lordship—on the principles of Common Justice—candidly & impartially to investigate the subject, & you will better know whether you have been misinform’d, when it is more directly in my power to detect my Incognito Slanderers—That I know why I stand prejudged in your opinion, & on what ground I am subject to your reprehension, is a matter to me of no small importance—my character & of course interest is at stake, therefore my Lord you will not [missing word] at my being Sanguine. I feel too sensibly, & value too much, the esteem of my Friends, & the approbation of the world in general, to remain silent in such a case, especially when my friends expect me to vindicate myself. Lift then my Lord the impartial scale of Justice—Truth will preponderate—& you (thereby convinced,) will be enabled rightly to decide. I am my Lord,
your Lordships obedt Hble Servant
Eliza Gould
P.S. Should your L-d-p- have the Justice to interfere in this affair by investigating the truth of what I have alleged—you will please to adopt any mode you think proper—I shall be at liberty any time after next week—at least I shall return to Southmolton on or before the 22nd instant.
East Street Southmolton
April the 11th 1795
To a person unacquainted with the affair, the above letter would appear mysterious because I never have once mention’d in it any Supposition I had of the nature of the untrue charges they had against me, all I wish’d for was to have had a statement from him, for at least I expected he would have told me why, he desired Sergt Thorne to take away his children, tho in fact I knew the reason, & likewise I knew that my enemies were his informers, but I believe I told you in my last the variety of false accusations they laid to my charge, tho I have been enabled to rise superior to their diabolical machinations—it made for a time some stir in this quarter, & I had the pleasure of hearing men of Judgment & principles commend my firmness, & I assure you his Lordship was render’d himself despicable in the eyes of many—because they said, the charge I brought against him that of endeavoring to injure me where I was most susceptible, & thereby depriving me of the means of getting my living, & by his not answering to those charges, pleaded a kind of guiltiness in him, & asserted my innocence. I knew before I wrote to him many of the false reports which were in circulation & who were in a great measure the authors of them—& I know that one of the Corporators of the Town represented me a dangerous member of Society, a broacher of Sedition, & one that in defiance of the whole corporation had taken in a Seditious newspaper, & persevered in doing so in contradiction to their injunctions. God grant that the reign of despotism might be short—I anticipate its termination with pleasure & confidence.
I believe I have tired your patience, but I have a pleasure in writing you, because you are a friend to Truth. Miss Raddon who boarded once at Mrs Haynes desired I would respectfully remember her to you. She is a good young woman & my friend. She has been my correspondent too more than 7 years—I hope you will favor me with a letter soon, & enclose the account for the papers—address me if you please Mrs Quartleys Wellington Somerset which is for the present my Home. She is a second mother to me, & I have been with her, ever since I left Molton—as soon as my fathers affairs are settled I fully intend to go out into some Situation, either as Governess in a private family, if I can, or if nothing better offers, I should not refuse to be an assistant in a good Boarding School—or companion to a Lady—should offers of any thing in that line, that you think might suit me, I shall esteem a very particular favor your letting me know of it—it is immaterial to me if what part of the kingdom. London would by no means be disagreeable to me but dont name to any of your Tiverton friends that I have suggested such a thing—possibly some opportunity might offer for your making enquiries among your friends to the above effect, & if there does you will do me singular service by communicating to me the result—I remain dear Sir
Yours very sincerely
Eliza Gould
(the Eliza you spoke of is a Miss Watson of Taunton)
Notes
Text: Timothy Whelan, ed., Politics, Religion, and Romance: The Letters of Benjamin Flower and Eliza Gould, 1794-1808 (Aberystywth: National Library of Wales, 2008), pp. 25-31.
[1] On the back page is written, in Eliza’s hand, “Thursday February the fourth,” possibly the day she finished the letter. The letter was postmarked from Tiverton, 6 February.
[2] This letter is untraced.
[3] Eliza is probably referring to a statement by Flower in his previous letter, which has unfortunately not been preserved. However, in the months preceding Eliza’s letter, Flower had expressed similar sentiments in his editorials in the Intelligencer. On 30 January 1796, he commented on the recent passage of the Pitt and Grenville Acts, which placed severe restrictions on free speech and political activity, noting that opinions in his newspaper would be “constantly and strenuously exerted in union with those of our countrymen, who cannot bear to sit down quietly in fetters, or contentedly to hold their liberties at the mercy of an unprincipled, abandoned, apostate, despotic, blood-thirsty Minister, who cares not for the ruin of empires if he can but gratify his own infernal ambition.” Many of Flower’s Cambridge friends were convinced that his attacks on the Pitt and Grenville Acts would lead to his imprisonment. Thomas Jones of Trinity College, writing to William Frend in London on 18 December 1795, was fearful “lest Ben Flower’s fiery indignation against the present measures should expose him to the penalties of one of the late bills.” Perhaps, he suggests to Frend, whose controversial pamphlet Peace and Union had been published by Flower in 1793, “a hint will be of use to him” (Frend Collection f.118).
[4] Thomas Wolsey (1475-1530), English statesman and cardinal, was one of the last clergymen to achieve a high level of political power in England. He rose to power during the reign of Henry VIII, becoming Lord Chancellor in 1515, essentially controlling both foreign and domestic affairs for Henry. His policies concerning royal prerogative and the use of taxes to pay for foreign wars obviously links him in Eliza’s mind to William Pitt and George III.
[5] This quotation is taken from John Locke’s Two Treatises on Government (1690), the Second Treatise, sect. 4: “All Men are naturally in ... a State of perfect Freedom to order their Actions, and dispose of their Possessions, and Persons as they think fit, within the bounds of the Law of Nature, without asking leave, or depending upon the Will of any other Man.”
[6] Samuel Dunn, woolcomber (UBD 4.432).
[7] Either Thomas Tout, carpenter, or John Tout, innkeeper (UBD 4.432). A place called “Touts Court” still exists on East Street in South Molton.
[8] Simon Woolcott, schoolmaster (UBD 4.433).
[9] Cullompton, a village about eleven miles from Exeter, on the road to Bath and Bristol.
[10] The Downs were a prominent Tiverton family. Most likely this is Richard Down (d. 1813), a London banker, which helps explain his connection with Mr. Hogg, also a banker. See UBD 4.620; Harding 2. 44, 109, 121, and 259.
[11] Evidently John Hogg had become a widower by this time. He would most likely have been in his early fifties at this time, which may explain the negative response from Mr. Down.
[12] Probably Newcombe’s Academy in Hackney, London.
[13] Apparently, Belfield continued his education under George Coleridge at Ottery, St. Mary, but little is known of his life thereafter. In the account of the Dennys family in Burke’s Landed Gentry, Belfield is not even listed as one of the children (201).
[14] A prominent builder in Exeter (UBD 3.22; Exeter Flying Post, 17 October 1777).
[15] Elizabeth Spurway Hayne, Eliza’s aunt, moved to Tiverton in the late 1780s from Bampton, where she had been a member of the Baptist church there since 1753 (Records ff.207-08). The details of her life are not entirely clear. She may have been married to the Rev. Roger Hayne of Tiverton, who subscribed to Dunsford’s Historical Memoirs in 1790. References in the Flower Correspondence seem to suggest that Mr. Hayne died in the early 1790s. Mrs. Hayne may opened a boarding school for girls at that time, which would explain a later reference in the above letter to Miss Raddon having “boarded once” at her home. Raddon may have been boarding there in 1790, for that same year she also subscribed to Dunsford’s book. Mrs. Hayne joined the Baptist congregation at Tiverton on 5 April 1789, her name remaining on the membership rolls through 1802 (Tiverton); however, Mr. Hayne does not appear in the church records, which would also corroborate his having been deceased. In Eliza’s statement above, “My Aunt is quite recover’d & they are got into a new House,” the “they” is most likely referring to Mrs. Hayne and her daughter, Mary. Mary was at least Eliza’s age, if not older, for when she married Joseph Armitage of Tiverton on 9 July 1801, she was listed in the St. Peter’s Marriage Registers as a “spinster.” Two other pieces of evidence suggest that she was Mrs. Hayne’s daughter and Eliza’s first cousin: on 29 August 1801, Flower inserted a notice of her marriage in the Intelligencer; and in July 1806, during Eliza’s visit to Devon, she was among Eliza’s traveling companions from Tiverton to Plymouth.
[16] Miss Carthew was the daughter of P. Carthew, a Tiverton merchant. She married Charles Upton, Jr., on 30 December 1795. See Exeter Flying Post, 31 December 1795.